IN
the strongest indication yet that the government may have decided that
its chosen option of peace talks with the Taliban had run its course,
the civil and military leadership met this week to look at operational
measures to tackle rampant terrorism.
Of course any
expectation of immediate action would be unrealistic as, sources say,
first an infrastructure will need to be put in place which allows all
terrorism-related intelligence and information of related efforts to be
centralised and shared across the provinces.
Whether this
takes the nomenclature Nacta (National Counter-Terrorism Authority) or a
JIC (Joint Intelligence Committee) or something similar isn’t
significant. What is important is the acknowledgement of the need to
have a coordinated fight against terror.
At the same time,
the capacity building of fighting forces, apart from the military and
paramilitary units, will continue across the country and the recent
approval by the Sindh chief minister of a huge, urgent spend to beef up
the Karachi police’s wherewithal to deal with terrorism is part of the
effort.
If all this finally points to an understanding on
the part of those at the helm that a compromise with terrorists isn’t
possible because agreeing to their demands would mean taking the country
back hundreds of years, it is a positive sign to say the least.
All
security officials will have busy months ahead and will need to ponder
over how to effectively re-establish the state’s writ over parts of the
country which are under the militants’ control — but to move ahead in a
manner that civilians caught up in the conflict are evacuated and/or
protected from any fallout.
At the same time, the
intelligence gathering and sharing mechanism will have to be fine-tuned
to contain any repercussions — for example, an even more ferocious
bombing campaign in the urban centres by the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan
(TTP) to ease pressure on its sanctuaries.
Another big
challenge for those planning and executing the operational plans will be
the media. The last full-fledged military operation in Swat as well as
South Waziristan Agency was also carried out in the glare of the media
but there was by and large a consensus about its need and legitimacy.
All
journalists will need to be constantly briefed and specifically the
prime time news show ‘anchors’ will need to be mollycoddled as they
like, possibly by the military leadership to keep them onside. This is
imperative because the blowback from any action could be serious and the
whole thing could last months, even a couple of years.
Also,
unlike the Swat and South Waziristan operations which followed a
broad-based political consensus, in the run-up to the last elections,
and the government formation since, a lot of politics has been played
around the issue of how to deal with this threat and what is causing it.
When national leaders, even with utmost sincerity,
express such diverse opinions on an existential threat to the country,
public confusion is not surprising. Once any action starts, all the
national leaders will have to be on the same page. Those who fall
fighting the forces of darkness will have to be owned by one and all.
The
government will also need to factor in the inherent conservatism of
some of our media stars. On cannot but recall their performance before
and after the Lal Masjid operation. Many of them demanded that the state
act to enforce its writ. The operation over, a significant number
changed their tune. I recall one ‘star’ with considerable following
saying he could smell attar-like scent from the charred corpses of the
militants killed in Lal Masjid.
This isn’t to sing the
virtues of the operation, which could have been better executed, but
just to point out the critical importance of the ‘propaganda’ war. The
sort of speculation, wild stories that followed in the media were not
only very destructive to the anti-terror effort but could actually have
served as an impetus to terrorism.
For example, it took so
many years and a judicial commission of inquiry to establish that 92
‘civilians’ (some, many of them armed?) and 11 armed forces personnel
were killed in the operation. And not a single female student died. I
recall a chance conversation with a manager, a local Rawalpindi man,
working for a media organisation who complained: “Musharraf is very
cruel. He has mercilessly killed 1,000 children of the poor including a
large number of girls studying there.”
This view, as I
realised to my horror on that trip, was widely held and the media did
nothing to present all the facts to the public. Whether it was their
conservative beliefs which pushed into the background the demands of
their profession or simply that they tilted towards the one they
perceived as the underdog, the result was the same.
It
isn’t apparent if the government and the army are aware and taking care
of this element. But, anticipating a crackdown, the TTP appears mindful
of it. The recent TTP-owned murders of technical media personnel and
threats to the media are aimed at intimidating their way to sympathetic
headlines and coverage once the conflict goes full steam.
Recent
pronouncements by the militants’ ideological allies/sympathisers
expressing opposition to any action demonstrate that there is a
coordinated effort on the part of the right to mould favourable public
opinion. The challenge for all those opposed to the TTP and its allies’
toxic, hate-filled ideology would be to speak in unison and forget even
legitimate grievances against each other for now. It’s going to be a
long haul. Everyone hoping for peace and sanity will have to keep their
nerve.