The
mansion, still under construction but even bigger than the palatial
presidential residence outside Kiev that was overrun by protesters over
the weekend, had been at least two years in the making, a gargantuan
folly of excess just down the Crimean coast from the former summer
palace of Russia’s toppled imperial family.
The
main hall has a 40-foot-high ceiling and majestic view of the Black
Sea, while living quarters downstairs feature an indoor swimming pool, a
big hole for a hot tub and walls thick enough to withstand an armed
attack.
Instructions
left on the walls by builders identify what kind of flooring was to
have been laid in each room, a mix of marble and wooden parquet.
“I
thought it would be grand, but not this grand,” said Dimtri Pilti, the
dismayed owner of an electrical goods shop in Sevastopol, a nearby
Crimean city, who visited the building site on Tuesday as workmen began
loading trucks with tiles, boxes of screws, metal wire casings and just
about anything else that contractors could salvage from the abruptly
frozen construction project.
Built
on a steep slope down to the sea, the concrete mansion occupies prized
land in the middle of the supposedly protected forest. Accounts vary of
how the land, previously a semiwilderness area popular with hikers, was
turned into a display of ostentatious wealth. According to some locals,
it used to be owned by a trolley-bus company that suddenly and
mysteriously went bankrupt, with its assets somehow passing into the
hands of a Crimean political crony of Mr. Yanukovych. But others say the
territory belonged to a state-owned road construction company that was
privatized while Mr. Yanukovych was serving as prime minister in 2007
and ended up in his family’s hands.
An
outfit called Ukrkievresurs, a subsidiary of the company that ended up
owning the land, set up the companies that managed Mr. Yanukovych’s
residence outside Kiev, provided all of its furnishings and owned his
helicopter and plane, according to corporate records uncovered by
Ukrainian news media.
The
first anyone noticed that anything unusual was afoot, beyond Ukraine’s
customary and highly opaque shell games with former state assets, was
when workers started chopping down rare species of juniper and pine and
erected a high fence around the previously open forest. Then came a new
road, followed by a new electrical station to bring power to an area
with little obvious need for large amounts of electricity.
A
clear sign that this was no ordinary construction project was that, in
violation of the law, the builders never posted a building permit, not
even a doctored one.
Mr.
Pilti, the shop owner, who used to hike in the area, said he quickly
realized that the site involved more than just run-of-the-mill Ukrainian
shenanigans, adding that he became “100 percent certain this was for
Yanukovych, because only Yanukovych would dare build something like
this.”
One
of the contractors picking up his materials on Tuesday, who gave his
name only as Sergei, said he had not received any formal instructions to
stop work, but, “We watch television so we can see what is happening
and that we are not going to get paid.”
A
laborer called Viktor said he began worrying the project might run into
trouble more than a month ago, when protests in Kiev first flared into
serious violence and his paychecks suddenly became erratic. But even
after the mayhem last week in Kiev, he kept coming to work and laying
concrete.
He
said he had finally decided to call it quits on Tuesday, and now hoped
to get work in Russia. Crimea, which Russia transferred to Ukraine in
1954, is still almost entirely Russian-speaking and home to the
headquarters of Russia’s Black Sea Fleet. It voted overwhelmingly for
Mr. Yanukovych in 2010 — he received 84 percent of the vote against
Yulia V. Tymoshenko, the former prime minister — embracing him as a
strong and reliable leader who would hold the forces of Ukrainian
nationalism at bay and strengthen ties with Moscow. Most residents
cheered in November when Mr. Yanukovych rejected a trade deal with the
European Union and turned to Moscow instead.
It
therefore came as little surprise when Ukraine’s new interim interior
minister announced on Monday that, after Mr. Yanukovych had fled Kiev
overnight Friday for the east of the country, he had resurfaced over the
weekend here in Crimea. He apparently judged it a safe and sympathetic
place to hide out from a new government in Kiev that wants him put on
trial for mass murder, a trial which, if held in Ukraine, would probably
lead to his execution.
But, it seems Mr. Yanukovych has worn out his welcome even here.
Some,
like Danil Romanenko, an aged but still militant Cossack leader, accuse
him of cowardice for running away from protesters instead of simply
deploying sufficient force to make them give up. “If I see him, I will
beat him with my horsewhip,” said Mr. Romanenko, adding that “I will
then let him go” and that he would never squeal to Ukrainian
investigators now frantically hunting for the president-turned-fugitive.
Svetlana
Pletnova, a retiree, said Mr. Yanukovych had been far too soft and had
paid the inevitable price of weakness in dealing with fascists, a term
many here use to describe the protesters who seized power in Kiev. But,
she added, Mr. Yanukovych had also been far too greedy, worrying more
about protecting his wealth and that of his family than the fate of the
country.
Across
Crimea, a favorite summer resort for the imperial and then Soviet
elites, Mr. Yanukovych and his family, particularly his son, Oleksandr, a
former dentist, commandeered choice plots of property to build luxury
homes and establish businesses. These added to a substantial stock of
state-owned property already available for the president’s use,
including the seaside dacha complex at Foros where Mikhail S. Gorbachev,
the Soviet leader at the time, was briefly held captive during a putsch
by communist hard-liners in August 1991.
“Why
does he need a palace every few kilometers? He thought he was a czar,”
said Mr. Pilti, who was in Kiev on business during Saturday’s takeover
by protesters and was staggered to see the size of Mr. Yanukovych’s
captured spread outside the capital.
Sergei,
the contractor, said he did not like the new government in Kiev at all
but was “still happy about what has happened — it had to happen sooner
or later.” Ukraine, he added, desperately needs a more open system so
the people can clearly know what is going on when a valued public forest
suddenly gets fenced off and cut down to make way for a private
mansion.
His
chief quarrel with Mr. Yanukovych’s opponents, he added, is not that
they ousted a good leader, but that they, too, are deeply corrupt and
will soon be building villas of their own if they manage to hang on to
power.
“Everyone
knew what was happening here,” he said, gesturing at the concrete
extravaganza he helped to build, “but they didn’t say anything because
they were doing the same thing, only smaller.”
No comments:
Post a Comment